Last updated at: (Beijing Time) Monday, January 20, 2003
Pragmatic Policy of Mainland Needs Reciprocation by Taiwan
Despite the unrealistic political illusion of the Taiwan authorities, the form and nature of cross-Straits interaction have gradually been changed by the forces of public opinion and market rules.
Despite the unrealistic political illusion of the Taiwan authorities, the form and nature of cross-Straits interaction have gradually been changed by the forces of public opinion and market rules.
The mainland demonstrated confidence, maturity and steadiness in its Taiwan policy last year. Vice-Premier Qian Qichen made an important declaration on Beijing's policy towards Taiwan's ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
Distinguishing the majority of members of DPP from the very few stubborn separatists, Qian said Beijing would welcome DPP members to visit the mainland to enhance mutual understanding.
Many people in Taiwan regarded Qian's remarks as pragmatic and sincere.
Moreover, the mainland showed more flexibility in its policy towards the issue of direct links across the Taiwan Straits.
Stressing that the "three direct links" are an economic issue rather than a political topic, Qian said that recognition of "one China" would not necessarily be the precondition.
The route between the mainland and Taiwan could be called the "cross-Straits route" instead of the "special domestic route," he added.
An editorial in Taiwan's Industrial and Commercial Times noted that these adjustments on the issue of direct transport across the Straits by the mainland fully demonstrated its sincerity to facilitating the three direct links.
It is worth noting that there are three "no changes" in the report delivered by Jiang Zemin to the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.
There will be no change in the basic principles of "peaceful reunification" and "one country, two systems" and the eight-point proposal on developing cross-Straits relations and advancing the peaceful national reunification at the present stage; no change in "placing hopes on the people in Taiwan"; and no change in "the position of never undertaking to renounce the use of force."
In addition, there are also three new wordings in this report.
The first wording is "there is but one China in the world, and both the mainland and Taiwan belong to one China. China's sovereignty and territorial integrity brook no division."
The second wording is "on the premise of the one-China principle, all issues can be discussed. We may discuss how to end cross-Straits hostility formally. We may also discuss the international space in which the Taiwan region may conduct economic, cultural and social activities compatible with its status, or discuss the political status of the Taiwan authorities or other issues."
The third one is "the Taiwan question must not be allowed to drag on indefinitely."
Most intellectual elites in Taiwan sang highly of the inclusion in the report of the new three-sentence interpretation of "one China" and the discussion of "international space." In the meantime, they were also stirred by the position that "the Taiwan question must not be allowed to drag on indefinitely."
In contrast, the words and behaviour of the Taiwan authorities on the cross-Straits policy have been quite confusing and passive.
The political credibility of the Taiwan authorities and leadership had a negative impression on the people.
They broke their political promises made to the people in Taiwan during the election and inauguration. Chen Shui-bian not only failed to withdraw from partisan activities to be a "president" for all the people but also integrated his party with the government.
Breaking his political promise, Chen dished out the fallacy of "one country on each side" and even called for legislation on a referendum to decide the future of Taiwan.
While saying that opening direct links across the Strait is "a road we must take," the Taiwan authorities have repeatedly created hurdles against the demand of the Taiwan public for opening such links. They even demanded the mainland accept the so-called "equal sovereignty" as the precondition.
Despite the obstacles laid by the Taiwan authorities, non-official cross-Straits relations have been developing fast.
The economy and society of both sides are heading rapidly towards integration.
According to an investigation by a Taiwan newspaper, currently around 25 per cent of the people in Taiwan are willing to work on the mainland, more than 38 per cent have the will to work on the mainland "in the future" and more than 40 per cent would consider going to the mainland for work.
In Taiwan, one in every three people has family members or relatives working in the mainland. And one in every 2.5 people has family members or relatives doing business with the mainland.
It is therefore not strange that an opinion poll in Taiwan in June revealed 54 per cent of people expressed hope that the two sides across the Straits could realize direct links as early as possible.
According to statistics issued by Taiwan's economic authorities, Taiwan's exports to the mainland constitute 23 per cent of its overall exports and three-fourths of Taiwanese companies have set up more than 50,000 enterprises in the mainland.
For more than two years, the mainland has shown great patience and rationality, considering the overall and long-term interests of the Chinese people across the Straits.
But the DPP authorities have become even more outrageous in their pursuit of separation from the motherland.
They not only attempted to realize "Taiwan independence" through the so-called "name-rectification movement" but also overtly trumpeted the fallacy of "one country on each side."
While Taiwan authorities continue to adhere to the "Taiwan independence" party programme and refuse to return to the "1992 consensus," political talks cannot be opened between the two sides across the Straits.
The one-China principle is in the fundamental interests of all Chinese people including the people of Taiwan. Hence, it is unrealistic for the Taiwan authorities to demand the mainland to make any concession of principle by simply making some gestures.
To prevent political divergence from affecting the economic and social development across the Straits, the mainland has not only agreed to temporarily shelve some political disputes but separated the issue of direct transport from elections within Taiwan and the one-China issue.
This has reflected the flexible and pragmatic attitude of the mainland.
Increasing numbers of insightful persons in Taiwan realize that both sides will benefit from direct transport.
An editorial in Taiwan's China Times pointed out that if Taiwan does not open direct links, its enterprises would move to Shanghai or other southeastern coastal areas of the mainland more quickly. This would make Taiwan's economy even worse and the island would become more marginalized in Asia's economic structure.
Therefore, refusing to accept the one-China principle or to entrust some non-governmental groups to discuss the issue of direct transport with counterpart institutions of the mainland will have a negative impact on Taiwan's troubled economy.
The marginalization of Taiwan's economy would just be a question of time.
Although the Taiwan authorities pushed their "gradual independence" policy step by step in the past year, the mainland's basic guideline of peaceful reunification remains unchanged.
With the development of the mainland, the trend of cross-Straits economic and social integration is irresistible.
The "Taiwan independence" mentality is mostly based upon a narrow-minded and incorrect understanding of the mainland as well as cross-Strait relations, which will be gradually eliminated with the development of non-governmental ties.
To DPP politicians, elections are the supreme consideration in dealing with the cross-Straits relationship.
However, they should face the reality of cross-Strait relations and push to realize an early opening of the three direct links, which is the trend of the times and the will of the people.
The author is director of the Institute of Taiwan Studies of Xiamen University in Xiamen of East China's Fujian Province. (China Daily news)